Byline for 16 December 2012
Peace, but with justice
M.J. Akbar
Since an improvement in bilateral relations
was clearly not on Pakistan interior minister Rehman Malik’s agenda, why did he
come to India? There has to be some rational reason. Tourism offers a
possibility. Taj Mahal, that magnificent metaphor for love, is a powerful
magnet for our western neighbours even when India-Pakistan affairs are not in a
honeymoon phase, tinged as it is by that wistful feel of so-near-yet-so-far.
You cannot really blame a minister for dropping by to take a look in the last
months of office, before next summer’s elections inevitably take his job away
and his security ring withers.
Then there is religious tourism, which
ostensibly brought Asif Zardari to India; particularly the mausoleums of Hazrat
Nizamuddin of Delhi and Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti of Ajmer, saints and symbols
of unity built around a humane philosophy. What a pity that religious tourism
was not included in the minor visa reforms signed by fractious neighbours. That
would have driven up demand for travel. After five decades of hammering at the
wall that went up after the 1965 war, divided Muslim families have virtually
given up on preserving kinship across hostile borders. The emotional and
physical cost is too high. But the great dargahs from an undivided past remain
a solace to the soul.
Rehman Malik obviously did not come merely
to sign the visa document. Bureaucrats would have sufficed for this illusion.
Visas have been made easier for those who cannot travel alone, the under-12s,
and those who will not travel alone, the over-65s. Both categories, exceptions
apart, need the company of an adult still trapped in the humiliation of the
present process. Frankly, it does not seem sensible that Rehman Malik came
merely to see the Taj or prove that he can use a fountain pen. I think I have
the answer. He came to India to win the next election in Pakistan. His first
press conference in Delhi was not addressed to Indians; he was talking to the
more vitriolic of his constituencies in Pakistan.
Rehman Malik has admirable clarity,
supported by a noticeable absence of sentiment and no sense of embarrassment.
Nor is he troubled by doubt. The rules of politics, for him, are far more
important than the laws of hospitality. An old maxim of behaviour demands that
guests should not be rude to their hosts. Rehman Malik has no such qualms. No
visitor has been as deliberately offensive towards Indians as Malik managed to
be within hours of landing in Delhi.
Perhaps Malik, and others like him, do not
want to understand what the terrorist savagery in Mumbai means to Indians.
India watched transfixed as this horror unfolded on television. India heard the
interaction between killers and their command centre in Pakistan, run by Lashkar
e Taiba operatives. Pakistan’s present high commissioner in Delhi Salman Bashir
once dismissed Indian evidence provided by Home Minister P. Chidambaram as “mere
literature”; Malik thinks that additional material is “only information”,
possibly because his English is not as good as Bashir’s. But both mean the same
thing. Rehman Malik added that Ajmal Kasab’s evidence against Lashkar and its
leader Hafiz Saeed “needs further corroboration”. Sorry about that, Mr Malik,
but all those who could have done so are either dead in Mumbai or alive in
Pakistan. The dead can’t talk. The living can.
Rehman Malik says Pakistan courts have
exonerated Saeed. But any court can only go as far as the evidence offered by
the prosecution. If the police make a thin case, or no case at all, the
judgement will reflect it. The Pakistan police report to Rehman Malik.
What puzzles me is India’s unwillingness to
question Islamabad about the role of ISI in the Mumbai havoc. It is not only
Kasab who has provided details; David Headley has outlined a whole narrative of
how ISI officers helped lead, manage and finance this operation. Headley is not
in an Indian prison, but an American one.
Have Dr Manmohan Singh and Mrs Sonia Gandhi
decided that it is time India forgot about Mumbai and moved on, as Rehman Malik
publicly urged India to do? I imagine that our leaders squirmed a little when
Rehman Malik declared Hafiz Saeed innocent, or indeed when he blamed the death
of Kargil martyr Saurabh Kalia on the weather rather than enemy atrocity. Perhaps
they think that cricket will wash such tremors away with a great feel-good
wave. They have also developed, on a parallel track, a little ploy: all those
who want accountability are bloodthirsty hawks; and all those tilting towards
obfuscation are little doves full of grace and wisdom. India is not divided
into hawks and doves. A majority of Indians wants peace with Pakistan, but they
want peace with justice. Indians know that Mumbai might fade from memory but
will never disappear, and that Pakistan can do something to ease the pain.
Pakistan can ensure that the Mumbai masterminds do not laugh derisively while
Indian hearts burn.
Is that too much to ask, Dr Singh?
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